Chapter 7: The referee is a player on one of the teams

The Secretary to the Commission, its topmost officer, was recruited irregularly. Not only did Sam Rwakoojo lack the necessary experience according to the written opinion and advice of the Public Service Commission, but he was a business representative of Lithotec, a South African company doing business with the Electoral Commission. This clear conflict of interest did not deter his recruitment, which was made even more suspect because the position was not advertised as required.

In 2002 when the Select [Parliamentary] Committee investigating electoral violence visited the EC, it discovered that 11 of the 21 senior employees were not qualified to hold the jobs that they did. Most had been hired irregularly; they had been seconded by ‘big people’.

Data processing, finance, civic education, and human resources were all in unqualified hands. It would seem that the Commission, having been either unable or unwilling to exercise independence in these crucial recruitment decisions, was later unable to resist further external interferences once the personnel were on board.

Investigations into the workings of the EC revealed problems with all phases of the electoral process - from equipping it to voter registration, civic education, supervision of the polls, the tallying process, and financial impropriety. There were instances where civic educators, paid by the EC to sensitise the voters, also doubled as campaign agents for the Movement candidates.

The running of the Electoral Commission was a study in mismanagement. In June 1999 the Commission purchased a printing press from a foreign company. At Shs700 million ($465,000), this was probably an excellent investment. Large quantities of printed materials were going to be needed in the run-up to the elections. The machine was delivered in December of the same year.

In the six months following the delivery of the printing press, the EC spent more than half the cost of the machine in printing expenses - not using the printing press, but paying outside commercial printers. The machine was still nicely wrapped in its original packaging, lying in the Commission’s backyard; it had never been entered into the EC inventory books. It was not installed until several months later, after the Auditor General pointed out what savings could have been made with the use of the machine.

In 2000, the Electoral Commission started making double payments to some districts for referendum-related expenses. They concealed the payments by providing false accountability. One revealing example included receipts and invoices from the Mubende District for vehicles whose registration numbers had not even been issued by the Ministry of Works. An employee of the district confessed that the money was shared with the officers of the Commission.

Many other strange things happened at the Electoral Commission, then headed by Hajji Aziz Kasujja. The EC was operating several accounts with commercial banks and moving large sums of money from their statutory accounts in Bank of Uganda into these accounts with little accountability - and without the knowledge of the Commissioner in charge of overseeing finance. The EC deposited some of the money with Prime Forex Bureau Limited, a financial institution not permitted by law to take deposits from its clients. Out of this irregular deposit, money was withdrawn in foreign and local currency in cash.

It was discovered that Mr Kasujja and his Commissioners were paying themselves monthly gratuity through M/s Millennium, a UK-based company.

Procurement at the EC seemed to consist of a painstaking process of separating the rational from the irrational, the clean from the dubious, the straightforward from the convoluted - and having thus set the two piles apart, the procurement process was completed by throwing out everything rational and above board.

A case in point: In March 2001 the EC ordered for special materials from M/S Omicron Corporation Inc. in the United States to make photo identity cards. They paid for the materials, freight, and insurance. The consignment was expected to take three to four weeks for delivery at Entebbe. Then for some inexplicable reason, the EC turned around and chartered a plane to fly the materials to Entebbe at an extra cost of $220,000. The hot goods were then put away for months and were in fact not used for their intended purpose.

The Chairman and three of the Commissioners had shares in, or fully owned, companies that were doing business with the EC. While they did not deny this, they claimed that they never influenced the EC to give business to these companies.

The EC leaked detailed information about upcoming bids for ballot papers and related materials to their preferred company, Lithotec, whose representative was being hired as the Secretary to the Commission. When the EC was told by Central Tender Board that they had to use competitive bidding, they faxed information to three other companies.

The faxes were sent on Friday evening, and the companies were told the deadline for submission of the proposals was Tuesday morning with no possible extension. Lithotec had been given the information months previously. It was no surprise therefore that the company got the contract to print the ballot papers.

After delivery it was discovered that there were serious ‘mix-ups’ with the ballots. Lithotec told the EC not to worry; they would quickly correct their own mistakes at extra cost to the EC. The company determined their own terms and prices, and the Electoral Commission was so trusting that they did not think it necessary to investigate the cause of the said mix-ups, so the EC forked out a further $297,000 to fix something whose exact nature they did not quite comprehend.

The EC purchased 5,000 computer disks to be used in the voter registration exercise. Out of the 5,000 disks purchased, 1,000 were issued to the relevant department, and only 12 were ever used. The whole super-disk venture was ill conceived, and in any case the disks were supplied when the voter registration had already ended.
But the undisputed prize in this orgy of mismanagement goes to the EC’s bungled attempts to produce photographic voter identification (PVI) cards and put in place a voters’ register.

The EC could not have done worse if it had invited a friendly country to come and run it for them. As it is, they had teams of commissioners and senior management staff touring a number of countries in Europe, North America, and South Africa, ostensibly to shop for the right system. It was the equivalent of sending people to go and purchase various car parts from different car manufacturers, and then hiring a consultant mechanic to put together a car - in the case of the EC, with a tight deadline of 21 days.

The incompatibility problems that emerged in the voter registration system had been anticipated by SWIPCO, a Swiss procurement company contracted by the Ugandan government to provide procurement audit services.

SWIPCO advised against the venture. In May 2002, the project was determined to have cost almost $4,369,000 over the envisaged total cost of $7,767,200, and it was nowhere near finished. To crown it all, the Minister of Finance said the whole project had not been budgeted for and that the EC had unilaterally diverted the funds from other planned activities.

The Inspector General of Government (IGG) noted that the entire project execution and management had been characterised by ‘crisis management and lack of forward planning, both of which gave golden opportunities for corruption, and embezzlement of public funds leading to massive financial losses to the Ugandan tax payers’.

Citing these and many other examples, including the loss of more than Shs2 billion [$1.3 million] of public funds through open violation of regulations, the Inspector General of Government declared the EC incompetent and lacking integrity. The IGGs final conclusion? ‘By way of conclusion, it would be appropriate to state that anything that could be done to mismanage an organisation has been done in the EC.

“This statement would have been a source of hilarious laughter had it been in reference to the management of a roadside kiosk, or the referee of a village football match. But this was the national EC, headed by men and women that were handpicked and endorsed by the President, and entrusted with the management of all elections in the country. This was the team that the Attorney General would be called upon time and again to defend with a straight face.

The presidential election took place on 12 March 2001. The country held its breath. An initial lead by the opposition was soon overturned when the results from the rural areas started to come in. At that point most Ugandans were still unaware of the hundreds of polling stations that had been created just days before the polls - some of them made known to the opposition candidates on the eve of the poll.

Neither was the unmonitored voting within military barracks common knowledge, or the numerous other ways in which the state machinery had been deployed to ensure the victory of the incumbent, such as forcing voters to tick the ballot papers in front of the state agents, and chasing agents of the opposition from polling stations. Anne Mugisha described the mood on the night the results were announced:

We had started off not quite understanding, or wanting to believe the extent to which Museveni would go to retain power. There was some illusion. There were comments from our leaders that I would recall much later and realize that they had seriously misjudged Museveni s capacity for deception.

I think the moment of truth though, was the night of the results. We knew the whole country was waiting to hear the results. KB [Kizza Besigye], Winnie Byanyima, Winnie Babihuga, and I were at KB’s house in Luzira. When the results started to come in, there was an expression of complete bafflement on KB’s face.

None of us had been prepared for the magnitude of the electoral theft that had just occurred. What we had not grasped, from the campaign agents in the villages, probably right through to the top leadership; was that Museveni would not allow a fair race under any circumstances.

It was not enough to have supporters. It was not enough for those supporters to vote for the opposition candidate. It was critical for the voters to stay by the ballot box and defend their votes with their very lives. At that time we could not imagine that the incumbent could engage in electoral theft on a grand scale - after all had he not waged a bloody war on the premise of a rigged election?

Anne said this while laughing at the sheer absurdity of this contradiction. We did not know the tricks they were using to steal votes. We did not know of extra ballot papers, or overnight stuffing of ballot boxes. That is why it took people like Besigye so long to admit, even to themselves, that they were conned into supporting the bush war. It is not easy to admit that you were fooled - that you were gullible. That has been the response of other people who participated in the bush war.

People like Mugisha Muntu and Amanya Mushega; they all find it difficult to admit that they were used by a cunning and charismatic leader who lured them using platitudes that he never intended to follow. It takes a long time for anyone to admit that they were so wrong at such a fundamental level. At a grander scale we see the same denial in U.S. policy towards Uganda.

It cannot change overnight. Do not forget that it was an American president that came to Uganda and told the world that Ugandan leadership as a beacon of hope for the region. The U.S. does not want to rewrite its foreign policy manual on Uganda, and nobody wants to admit that they completely misjudged the quality of Uganda’s leadership. It would only reflect poorly on U.S. policy advisors.

The results were received with mixed emotions, and within hours of the announcements the Elect Kizza Besigye Task Force had announced its intention to contest the results through a court petition.
The parliamentary elections were just as violent and chaotic as the presidential elections, and in many places probably even more so. In Rukungiri, the outcome of the election of the Woman Member of Parliament was contested in court. At the conclusion of the petition hearing, the judges summarised the findings on the Electoral Commission thus:

The evidence adduced proves deliberate use of one of the worst voters’ registers that can be found anywhere during democratic elections. [The voters’ register was hand written.]
Use of election officers ... who sympathetically facilitated the strong-armed methods of intimidation of voters employed by government officers and members of security organs at many polling stations, or who manifestly participated in ticking ballot papers for voters or in forcing voters to tick ballot papers in the open at the presiding officer’s table or in falsifying results of the poll.
Use of an irretrievably defective register of voters, which led to widespread multiple registration and voting impersonation, and all forms of election abuse that a worthless voters’ register is susceptible to.

Failure by the Electoral Commission to issue clear and comprehensive election guidelines to field election officers thus rendering the election more or less an in-house affair for the chiefs and LCs [Local Councils], thus exposing it to extensive abuse...

Widespread intimidation of the electorate by the RDCs [Resident District Commissioners] and security personnel in favour on one of the candidates before and during the voting process.

The end of the 2001 presidential and parliamentary campaigns did not bring relief to the vanquished opposition. There were frequent reports of intimidation and torture of those who had supported the opposition by agents linked to the state.

On 19 August 2001, local newspapers carried startling news. Splashed across the front pages of both major dailies were screaming headlines reporting Besigye’s disappearance. The days that followed were full of speculation. Rumours were rife. The cartoonists had a field day, depicting Besigye as having fled the country dressed in a busuuti (a lady’s voluminous outfit worn mostly in central and eastern Uganda) complete with a head scarf. One account said that he had recorded himself talking and had escaped from under the noses of the state security guys by leaving the tape playing.

From outside the house, the guards would have heard his voice clearly and would have had no reason to believe that he was not in the house. Apparently he was not missed until a whole night and part of the morning had gone by. Regarding his mode of escape and his whereabouts, I was just as ignorant as anybody else.

Besigye left the country after a series of security incidents that had become increasingly more sinister. He had been prevented from boarding planes, was constantly and overtly trailed by an assortment of security agents, and was on one occasion nearly abducted by men in UPDF46 uniform on Masaka-Mbarara Road. The intimidation and harassment did not cease for the supporters he left behind, or for anyone who did not support the Movement.

In the months following Besigye’s departure, many other people crossed the border into exile. I have met mostly young men in Kenya and South Africa who were hounded out of their homes for having been Besigye campaigners and polling agents. One man fled Kamwenge in Western Uganda after his house was torched on the eve of the presidential poll.

The exiles were often described as self-imposed. I often wondered which other types there were. Was there, for instance, a state-sponsored, ‘all expenses paid’ exile?

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Readers’ comments

I am so impressed and full of light on my head for this great work you are doing for serialising “ the correct line”.
I have fallen so deeply into imagination of how human can be selfishly aggressive on their very own commitments and twist their path to look so different from the original intentions. Just from the few pages you have posted, it tells clearly why someone would want to stop the release of this book. This book also clearly explains the chameleon nature of politicians. She (Dr Kobusingye) has done great work and she loves her country because her work is the one of a patriot. I wish I could land on one copy. Monitor forever my number one choice of an in-depth information point.

Jimmy Okwany
[email protected]

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The book is worth reading, i believe that “knowledge is wealth”,,,,whichever kind of information put out and in whichever form cannever have the same effects to all kinds of people.....to some its positive to others, its negative BUT to all its effective and different kinds of lessons could always be learnt.

Charlotte Kapiira

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Thank you for taking a bold stand to serialise Dr. Oliver Kobusingye’s book ‘The Correct Line: Uganda Under Museveni’. I will make a few comments based on the few chapters so far serialised by Daily Monitor.
First of all, the book was introduced in Uganda with some dramatic episode – withholding it for some unclear reasons. This alone aroused curiosity among unsuspecting many Ugandans who would otherwise not have even bothered about the book had it just entered the country without undue publicity. The government officials concerned have unwittingly confirmed exactly what the book is all about- suppression of political dissent.
Now on the book: I find Dr Oliver’s style very accessible for an average reader. Events are narrated with a very compelling diction and with much attention to details in the way scenes are described. A case in point is the violent incident in Rukungiri. It is a great narrative that keeps the reader on the edge, wanting more. I also find the book loaded with well reasoned critique of Museveni’s utterances on one hand and the actions he has been taking. There is close reading of Museveni’s works and key lines are quoted to show the stark contrast with what has been done over decades under Museveni’s regime. Even though the author is close to the protagonist of the plot, Dr Kiza Besigye, being his sister, she still tries to stick to the issues and only uses family members as illustrations of a point well made. Few writers can exercise such literary restraint when writing on such a passionate topic as politics, more so, when writing about family members. The vivid portrayal of characters and the well-known politicians who are named in the book, makes the book a lively read. It must be stated that some of the actors who get named for their unreserved support of Museveni, with hindsight, must feel awkward or embarrassed when they read the book. The book is quite hard hitting like any prophetic literature. It is not surprising that the government might have found the book quite disturbing. The author speaks her mind. Now that Dr Olive Kobusingye has opened a debate on Museveni’s political performance, the forum is open. Let Ugandans of all political persuasions join the debate. The government has quite articulate interlocutors such as Mary Karoro Okurut, Moses Byaruhanga, Ofwono Opondo and others who can counter the claims that Dr Kobusingye is making in her book. There is potential for a good debate around Dr Kobusingye’s book, especially that elections are the door, come 2011. The Correct Line is a must read, both for who buy its main argument and for those who disagree with it.
Nyebirweki Thomas, USA
[email protected]

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I read the Book “The Correct Line? Uganda Under Museveni”, with a lot of admiration and inspiration. It is a very good book, it has the real facts and what we are facing in Uganda, under Museveni, it is true This government is manipulative, full of corruption, and suppresses peoples’ freedom. Look at the impounding of the 500 books, of correct line, no reason for that but just suppression, panic, fear of opinion, because the book will open up our ignorance, we have been misused by this government due to our ignorance. Look at some Ministers and MPs, even if the Museveni speaks nonsense they will clap and defend it to look the truth.
Uganda is not a free country. It is a country controlled by one man. Like his own family, he makes all decisions, throws out to people tax payers money, because no one will dare to challenge him, because we are not free people and due to our ignorance we thank him for that. Ugandans wake up and defend our country. For God and my Country.

John Nangai
[email protected]

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I have just been reading the second part of your serialisation of the book, The Correct Line? Uganda under Museveni. All I can say is this reads like a great book. I cannot wait to get my hands to the complete book. I hope the powers that be will allow us an opportunity to access the book very soon. From what I have read so far, this sounds like a fresh, frank and candid look at what has been going on since that evening, when the papers run an article that Besigye was to contest the presidential election against his Excellency; and better still from a lady who seemed to have a bird’s view of the events. I applaud her for the courage to pen down these events. I also would like to thank you for having enabled us have a sneak preview of what has now been denied of us. Keep up your courageous professional efforts in providing a mouth for those who have been gagged.
Ronald Muyanja
[email protected]

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The glimpse I have heard/read through the daily monitor chapters 1, 2 and 3, makes me yearn to read the whole book and have it as a personal copy.
As an individual I would recommend every sane person be it Ugandan or otherwise to read it. The only negative issue I might raise is, the readers interpretation and trying to act in the wrong way basing their bad actions on the book. In most cases explanations and descriptions of events are more like the scenario of the elephant and the seven blind people.

Peter Kyakulaga
[email protected]

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The freedom relics in Uganda are a sham. It is a mere gimmick meant to hoodwink the voter on democracy and the rule laws. The economy has been tattered (handed over to a few capitalist exploiters), the courts are raped, the virginity of the con...situation was forced into bed with M7. Disease, jiggers, extreme taxes, “safe houses,” the brutal ISO, and Kireka police.

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John Abaho via facebook

Dear Editor,
Thanks for the serialistaion but anyone could have written that book.
Regards
Samuel Kayongo

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This book is a MUST READ, and not excerpts as they appear in your paper.
Please make all possible effort to have the book available in Kampala bookshelves.
Nobody has a right to tell us what to and what not to read.
[email protected]

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The glimpse I have heard/read through the Daily Monitor chapters 1, 2 and 3, makes me yearn to read the whole book and have it as a personal copy.
As an individual I would recommend every sane person be it Ugandan or otherwise to read it. The only negative issue i might raise is, the readers interpretation and trying to act in the wrong way basing their bad actions on the book. In most cases explanations and descriptions of events are more like the scenario of the elephant and the 7 blind people.

Peter Kyakulaga

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I wish to express my gratitude for your usual bravery that has led you into giving your readers insights on the books content. For a better explanation of this situation, google for Wole Soyinkas’ qoutes and you will realise that his foresight was far ahead ordinary minds. He predicted all these pathetic situations!!!!!!!!!!
You should keep the mantle high as the peoples voice.

Andrew Ndizeye
[email protected]

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Let customs just release the book and those who are not good at reading history should go and hang. Why keep us in the dark? The truth will always remain the truth . Thanks for the chapters. Just can’t wait to check out the book in Aristoc.

Richie-Kampala

To read the remaining chapters of the book, log onto www.thecorrectline.com