Meaning of battle for Bugisu

This is no ordinary contest. It’s poised to send reverberations nationally because the two figures involved carry with them, national portfolios: Ms Wabudeya is a minister while Mr Mafabi is an Opposition icon, having caught the imagination of many with his impressive performances as chairman of the House Public Accounts Committee.

The issues
But who is going to win this battle and why? What are the forces at play? What are the likely consequences of this battle?
Ms Wabudeya is said to have chosen this path because of President Museveni’s wishes to dethrone Mr Mafabi and hence interrupt the growth of the Opposition in Bugisu.

Bugisu sub-region includes the districts of Mbale, Sironko, Manafwa and Bududa. It has long been an enclave of the opposition with Mbale Municipality being the breeding ground of anti-NRM forces. The Uganda Peoples Congress thrived in the place in earlier times.

Since 1986, the NRM has struggled to gain acceptance in this area.
Therefore, Ms Wabudeya’s decision can be looked at in two ways: first, there is the school of thought that believes she is an agent of President Museveni. To this school of thought, Ms Wabudeya is seen as the best suited person to finally break FDC’s back in the region because as a minister, she can command State organs to bolster her campaigns.

She also enjoys the backing of area tycoon Sulaiman Mafabi, an NRM agent who was also elected as NRM boss for Sironko District. This tycoon is known for his philanthropy.

But the anti-Wabudeya school of thought believes that by taking on the FDC man, she has committed the political mistake that will bring an abrupt end to her political life.

This argument is largely founded on the feeling that Ms Wabudeya hasn’t grasped the local political dynamics in Bugisu. It also arises from the suspicion the President Museveni has realised that with the present NRM political leaders in Bugisu he cannot hope to hold ground against the opposition’s determined march.

However, in the President’s calculations, it is speculated, he wouldn’t want to fire Ms Wabudeya and so he would prefer the more subtle option of cajoling her to run against a popular and potentially difficult opponent in Mr Nandala. If she loses, her goose is cooked.

In the meantime, other NRM cadres will be rallying support for Ms Irene Muloni who is standing as Bulambuli District Woman MP. Ms Muloni, a former boss at the Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited is largely seen as a better mobiliser in Bugisu because of her reported good behavior—respect for people. She reportedly helped some unemployed Bagisu get jobs at UEDCL when she was in charge.

While she is standing on the NRM ticket, in a district with latent opposition currents, many tip Ms Muloni to win her seat easily. She lost to Ms Wabudeya in 2001 under controversial circumstances.

Ms Wabudeya appears to have forgotten the forces that catapulted Mr Mafabi into political prominence in Bugisu. The sub-region is historically divided into North (Sironko), South (Bubulo and Bududa) and Central (Bungokho). These divisions also had political ramifications. For long, the north complained of marginalisation by mainly the south in job allocations.

While the north largely produced coffee, the managers of Bugisu Cooperative Union (BCU) were largely from the south. It’s said the south then used to laugh at the north as coffee producers who only preferred business to education.

History at play
Secondly, the divisions in Bugisu had ancestral roots in the legendary Masaba, father of Bamasaba (Bagisu) who is said to have had three sons; Mwambu, Mubuya and Wanale.

Mwambu, the first born, settled in Sironko, Mubuya, the second born, settled in south Bubulo and Bududa area while Wanale, the last born, settled in Bungokho. Some of Mubuya’s descendants migrated and settled in Sironko in areas bordering Teso and Sebei and came to be known as Babuya.

But Mubuya’s other descendants who stayed in the south, some crossing to Kenya where they took on the tag of Bakusu, slowly took over leadership in the entire Bugisu. This never went down well with their brothers in the north.

Their dominance was accelerated in colonial times when many Bagisu from the south were appointed chiefs. These included Stanley Wanambwa, a former District Commissioner in colonial times; the late Bwayo, who headed the Bugisu administration in Malukhu; the late Wamboka from Bududa, a former treasurer of Bugisu; the late Wandawa, Namasake and Wandubere, a former Saza chief who ruled both north and central.

Over time, the north embarked on educating their children using the proceeds from coffee sales. After the north acquired the requisite education, there emerged a struggle for political power culminating into the recent creation of Sironko District under President Mseveni.

While this struggle was unfolding, the Basukuya, who are descendants of Mubuya’s great grandson called Wabwala, dominated leadership in the south to the annoyance of other descendants of Mubuya who had settled in Bududa.

The Basukuya occupied Bubulo, Bugobero, Butiru, Buwabwala and Namisindwa while other descendants of Mubuya settled in Bududa and Manjiya. The conflict between the Basukuya and the Baduda led to the agitation for, and eventual carving of, Bududa District out of Manafwa.
Minister for the North David Wakikona led that agitation. For his efforts, he is now highly regarded in Bududa.
This historical account may explain the present day political dynamics in Bugisu.

Fast forward to today. While the Basukuya came to prominence because they were largely chiefs, the northerners chose education and business. In time, they took control of businesses in Mbale Municipality where they now control local politics.

Nandala’s rise
President Museveni had tried through the late James Wapakhabulo, former Speaker of Parliament, to bring these politicians to the NRM. For a long time it was a futile effort mainly because of the resistance of a one Mr Wilson Wamimbi who rallied the people against the NRM.

Mr Wamimbi, who is now the Bugisu cultural leader (Umukuka), reminded Bamasaba of the economic decline they had suffered under NRM regime.
They compared the life in Bugisu during the glory days of UPC to the poverty and hardship brought by the NRM to the slopes of Mount Elgon.

UPC had through prominent Bamasaba like Masette Kuya pushed development projects to Mbale like the football stadium, the new municipal buildings, a proposed hotel on Wanale hill. Bamasaba also occupied senior positions in the party and government.

Mr Wapakhabulo was seen as a traitor. But in the mid-1990s, the late Wapa, as he was known, pulled off a political shocker. He convinced the vocal Wamimbi to cross to NRM. Mr Wamimbi had wanted to stand for Mbale LCV seat and it was a given that he would win.

The NRM is said to thrown all manner of temptations at him resulting in his crossing. Before long he was offered a job as Uganda’s high commissioner to India.

The late Wapa also grabbed opposition man, Magwanzu Magomu (husband to current NRM electoral commission boss Felistus Magomu), dissuading him against standing against Wapa in the race for a seat in the National Resistance Council, the first NRM parliament.

At the time, Mr Magomu appeared destined to hammer Wapa but when he pulled out of the race, the opposition was shattered; their voters became disillusioned.

And so it was that the Opposition’s grip on Bugisu began to slip. The poverty that gradually gripped the sub-region with the collapse of BCU also increasingly made the area susceptible to manipulation by NRM hatchet men who roamed the hills and valleys with sweat words and fat wallets.

The NRM worked hard to undermine opposition figures like Eng. Darlington Sakwa, Prof. Dani Nabudere, and George Masika who refused to be enticed with groceries.

But within the new NRM converts, there emerged two camps: one headed by the late Wapa and the other led by Sylvester Wanjusi Wasieba. Wapa’s group had Beatrice Wabudeya, Michael Werikhe, Charles Walimbwa and George William Wopuwa among others, while Wasieba had Simon Mulongo and Bernard Mujasi. The Wapa group took an aggressive approach to politics while Wasieba wanted a people-based approach, convincing UPC diehards to embrace NRM. Both camps thought Wamimbi’s crossing had marked the end of opposition in the region.

But Mr Wamimbi’s crossing, however, gave rise to a new breed of opposition. The Nandalas who rejected NRM sweeteners became regarded as heroes. The Bagisu saw them as principled. The Nandalas were essentially UPC but because the party had come under relentless attack, most of its members went into hibernation. Some, like Nandala, found a new home in FDC.

The Nandalas would rise because even when Wamimbi crossed, the ordinary Bagisu saw no improvement in their lives. Infrastructure like schools and hospitals continued to decay. More so, BCU, which was the economic backbone of the area, was no more.

The government made several empty promises to extend loans to resuscitate BCU. The money never came. President Museveni even suggested that BCU be sold because it had become untenable to run cooperatives.

Then Mafabi gave BCU a kiss of life by reportedly injecting in some money. The timing was excellent as coffee prices rose at about the same time. Mr Mafabi’s name was etched in Bugisu folklore.

Mr Nandala has cemented his presence by helping pay the school fees of some needy students, working with farmers, and allowing fellow taxi operators to fuel at his petrol stations on credit.

The NRM tested bitter defeat when it tried to clip Mr Nandala’s wings in a failed bid to remove the FDC man from being BCU chairman. Ms Wabudeya was the candidate chosen to run against Mr Mafabi. He gave her a beating she must still remember even after the ruling party flooded the place with cash and pulled quite a few stops from its dirty tricks department.

It is intriguing that while the opposition has the acceptable Mr Mafabi in their corner, the NRM has often relied on individuals who have domestic issues to settle with Bamasaba.

In Sironko, Ms Wabudeya, a daughter of Saulo Kisolo the former UPC chairman for Busiita Sub-county, faces critics who say she has not helped advance Bugisu’s interests despite her closeness to the seat of power. She is accused of only supporting people from her sub-county like Lydia Wanyoto (one of Uganda’s representatives on the East African Legislative Assembly), Felistus Magomu, Hood Hussein (an employee at the NRM secretariat), presidential aide David Mafabi and Ambassador Charles Madibo Wagidoso.

“Wabudeya is the most unpopular politician in Bugisu,” says John Musila, an NRM mobiliser from South Bugisu and a member of Bugisu cultural union, “She uses discriminatory methods of work and wants to confront people.”

In Bungokho South, Minister Werikhe despite being in Cabinet for long has to use dirty tactics to get into Parliament. These tactics have served to further alienate ordinary Bamasaba from the ruling party.
In taking on Mr Mafabi, the minister for the presidency is not just fighting an MP.

She is at war her own people (the Badadiri from Sironko) who believe Mr Mafabi is their representative in both Bugisu and national politics, the members of BCU who believe that without Mr Mafabi they wouldn’t still be growing coffee and voters generally.

On the flipside, if Ms Wabudeya pulls off this one, she could be headed for a bigger political job as a reward. However, her victory would not be victory for NRM because it will prove difficult for her to mobilise for NRM among the Badadiri.

The NRM is said to have thrown all manner of temptations at him resulting in his crossing. Before long he was offered a job as Uganda’s high commissioner to India.

The late Wapa also grabbed opposition man, Magwanzu Magomu (husband to current NRM electoral commission boss Felistus Magomu), dissuading him against standing against Wapa in the race for a seat in the National Resistance Council, the first NRM parliament. At the time, Mr Magomu appeared destined to hammer Wapa but when he pulled out of the race, the opposition was shattered; their voters became disillusioned.

And so it was that the Opposition’s grip on Bugisu began to slip. The poverty that gradually gripped the sub-region with the collapse of BCU also increasingly made the area susceptible to manipulation by NRM hatchet men who roamed the hills and valleys with sweet words and fat wallets. The NRM worked hard to undermine opposition figures like Eng. Darlington Sakwa, Prof. Dani Nabudere, and George Masika who refused to be enticed with groceries.

But within the new NRM converts, there emerged two camps: one headed by the late Wapa and the other led by Sylvester Wanjusi Wasieba. Wapa’s group had Beatrice Wabudeya, Michael Werikhe, Charles Walimbwa and George William Wopuwa among others, while Wasieba had Simon Mulongo and Bernard Mujasi. The Wapa group took an aggressive approach to politics while Wasieba wanted a people-based approach, convincing UPC diehards to embrace NRM. Both camps thought Wamimbi’s crossing had marked the end of opposition in the region.

Opposition stronghold
But Mr Wamimbi’s crossing, however, gave rise to a new breed of opposition. The Nandalas who rejected NRM sweeteners became regarded as heroes. The Bagisu saw them as principled.

The Nandalas were essentially UPC but because the party had come under relentless attack, most of its members went into hibernation. Some, like Nandala, found a new home in FDC.

The Nandalas would rise because even when Wamimbi crossed, the ordinary Bagisu saw no improvement in their lives. Infrastructure like schools and hospitals continued to decay. More so, BCU, which was the economic backbone of the area, was no more.

NRM carrots
The government made several empty promises to extend loans to resuscitate BCU. The money never came. President Museveni even suggested that BCU be sold because it had become untenable to run cooperatives. Then Mafabi gave BCU a kiss of life by reportedly injecting in some money.

The timing was excellent as coffee prices rose at about the same time. Mr Mafabi’s name was etched in Bugisu folklore. Mr Nandala has cemented his presence by helping pay the school fees of some needy students, working with farmers, and allowing fellow taxi operators to fuel at his petrol stations on credit.

The NRM tested bitter defeat when it tried to clip Mr Nandala’s wings in a failed bid to remove the FDC man from being BCU chairman. Ms Wabudeya was the candidate chosen to run against Mr Mafabi. He gave her a beating she must still remember even after the ruling party flooded the place with cash and pulled quite a few stops from its dirty tricks department.

It is intriguing that while the opposition has the acceptable Mr Mafabi in their corner, the NRM has often relied on individuals who have domestic issues to settle with Bamasaba.

In Sironko, Ms Wabudeya, a daughter of Saulo Kisolo the former UPC chairman for Busiita Sub-county, faces critics who say she has not helped advance Bugisu’s interests despite her closeness to the seat of power. She is accused of only supporting people from her sub-county like Lydia Wanyoto (one of Uganda’s representatives on the East African Legislative Assembly), Felistus Magomu, Hood Hussein (an employee at the NRM secretariat), presidential aide David Mafabi and Ambassador Charles Madibo Wagidoso.

“Wabudeya is the most unpopular politician in Bugisu,” says John Musila, an NRM mobiliser from South Bugisu and a member of Bugisu cultural union.

“She uses discriminatory methods of work and wants to confront people.”
In Bungokho South, Minister Werikhe despite being in Cabinet for long has to use dirty tactics to get into Parliament. These tactics have served to further alienate ordinary Bamasaba from the ruling party.

In taking on Mr Mafabi, the minister for the presidency is not just fighting an MP. She is at war with her own people (the Badadiri from Sironko) who believe Mr Mafabi is their representative in both Bugisu and national politics, the members of BCU who believe that without Mr Mafabi they wouldn’t still be growing coffee and voters generally.

Houdini act?
On the flipside, if Ms Wabudeya pulls off this one, she could be headed for a bigger political job as a reward. However, her victory would not be victory for NRM because it will prove difficult for her to mobilise for NRM among the Bamasaba.

Chris Obore: 0772410000