Mityana Municipality MP Francis Zaake. PHOTO | FILE
|People & Power
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Zaake: Last man standing in NUP’s confrontational politics corner
What you need to know:
- Mityana Municipality MP Francis Zaake embodies NUP’s red beret movement, but his ouster has raised questions if at all of the 57 NUP lawmakers, he is the only one who stuck to the original plan of bringing confrontation to Parliament - a position backed passionately by the party’s fan base, Derrick Kiyonga writes.
When National Unity Platform (NUP) became the leading Opposition party at the beginning of last year – taking over from the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) – they were given the responsibility of filling a few positions that are doled out to the Opposition. But there were question marks if the party had the right poll of people to pick from.
NUP leadership led by singer-turned-politician Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, aka Bobi Wine, decide to pick Nakawa West legislator Joel Ssenyonyi, a debutant in Parliament, as head of the Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises, shortened as (Cosase).
Cosase, according to Parliament, is supposed to scrutinise audited accounts of statutory authorities, corporations, and public enterprises and in the context of their autonomy and efficiency, ascertain whether their operations are being managed in accordance with the required competence and where applicable, in accordance with sound business principles and prudent commercial practices. Ssenyonyi, according to many sources within NUP, was Kyagulanyi’s choice because he had the People Power DNA that morphed into NUP.
“Ssenyonyi belongs to the Bobi inner circle and among those who started People Power. It’s only Ssenyonyi who got elected… look at people like Benjamin Katana who gave up on elective positions to support the presidential candidate [Kyagulanyi] or those who stood and never got elected. So Ssenyonyi belongs to the inner core of the struggle and you needed to speak to that group or those who see themselves as such,” a NUP MP who was part of the negotiating teams later explained to this writer.
Decision
Kyagulanyi also decided that at the Parliamentary Commission the Opposition would be represented by Francis Zaake, the Mityana Municipality MP.
The role of the Parliamentary Commission includes appointing, promoting and exercising disciplinary control over persons holding public office in Parliament, reviewing the terms and conditions of service, standing orders, training and qualifications of persons holding office in Parliament; providing security staff to maintain proper security for the members of Parliament and facilities within the precincts of Parliament, among other things.
Within NUP, sources say, eyebrows were raised if at all Zaake, who was in his second stint at Parliament, had the tools required of a commissioner, but these were brushed aside by the need to appoint a youth.
Kyagulanyi’s thinking was that the youth had powered NUP and by appointing Zaake a parliamentary commissioner – a position that comes with juicy perks such as security, bigger allowances, and government cars chauffeured by a driver appointed by Parliament – they would feel represented and support the party more.
“Zaake is a youth leader of NUP and NUP is largely about youth,” a source familiar with these appointments explained. “The real youth see themselves in Zaake and us to give Zaake that kind of position is to ensure that the youth see themselves out there because the top leadership of John Baptist Nambeshe [Opposition Chief Whip], [Leader of Opposition in Parliament Mathias] Mpuuga, they are now in their late 40s, but NUP/ People Power is youth vibrancy. How do you speak with that group? How do they feel represented? That’s how Zaake comes in.”
Ousted
It has not yet clocked a year since the legislator was dispatched to the commission, but he has been ousted from that office for allegedly firing off a tweet that seemingly scorned Anita Among, the Deputy Speaker of parliament.
Zaake embodies NUP’s red beret movement, but his ouster has raised questions if at all of the 57 NUP MPs he is the only one who stuck to the original plan of bringing incivility to Parliament - a position backed passionately by the party’s fan base.
“If you consider the data, many NUP MPs were voted by the electorate who didn’t even know their names, it’s possible that a jerrycan marked NUP would have won an election. So, would that jerrycan have debated in Parliament? Would it have done an MP’s cardinal roles such as legislation and oversight?” says Yusuf Serunkuma, a socio-political commentator who has written extensively about NUP. “It’s only Zaake who has sucked to what people sent those NUP MPs to do. So he is the people’s champion.”
Zaake arrived in Parliament in 2016 as a 25-year-old, replacing Ssozi Kaddu Mukasa, but he has since made radical Opposition politics his forte and he has no limits when trying to prove where he exactly belongs.
These instincts were on display on September 26, 2017 – the day Raphael Magyezi, the Igara West MP first tried to present his amendment Bill that eventually led to the editing of age limits for presidential candidates from the Constitution, something the Opposition said has given President Museveni a licence to rule until he dies.
Opposition that knew that NRM had huge numerical advantage, drew first blood as they heckled and shouted on top of their voices.
Later punches were exchanged, but Zaake, who had been voted into the House as an Independent, made his mark as the most active belligerent in this melee that drew in the elite Special Forces Command (SFC) who were called in after usual security at Parliament failed to contain the situation.
In the footage that was later released by media houses, Zaake could be seen throwing chairs, speakers, and jumping on tables in all directions. Zaake later removed his belt and shoes, throwing them at security who were cornering him.
As the former Ndejje University guild president was busy evading security personnel, Gen Katumba Wamala, who represents the army in Parliament, ended the whole episode when he punched Zaake straight in the face, sending him into unconsciousness for the next 24 hours.
Gen Katumba later apologised to the hospitalised Zaake, but to the Opposition base, opinion was clear: in this youthful legislator, they had got a weapon in their arsenal.
In 2018, with Zaake now deeply engrained in the People Power politics in which they would sport red berets and red overalls, he was among the Opposition leaders and supporters who were beaten to the pulp by security personnel during the Arua Municipality by-election in which Opposition’s Kassiano Wadri emerged victorious.
Former leader of Opposition in Parliament Betty Aol Ocan (R) visits Zaake in hospital.
Zaake was fished out by soldiers from his room at Pacific Hotel, Arua City, and was later dumped at Rubaga Hospital where doctors put him on life-saving machines as he was unconscious.
A year later, Parliament had to ask its Committee on Rules, Discipline and Privileges to investigate Zaake after Makerere University vice chancellor Barnabas Nawangwe accused the MPs of trying to beat him.
Prof Nawangwe had appeared before Parliament’s Education Committee to explain the 15 percent cumulative increment on tuition and the impasse that had earlier paralysed the university.
As he was explaining the university’s position, Nawangwe said Zaake kept on heckling him and other university officials in what he termed as “very unparliamentary manner” and allegedly reminding them that he will use his links among the students to ensure that the strike goes on.
In 2020, following the advent of Covid-19, government instituted a lockdown that drove many Ugandans to starvation. Many politicians decided to distribute food to their constituents and Zaake was among them, posting on Facebook that it was his belief that government could still deal with starvation without “thieving” from the poor.
As soon as he started distributing the food, police pounced and arrested him, accusing him of flouting guidelines instituted to curb the novel virus. This also ended with Zaake being hospitalised, with the lawmaker accusing security personnel of torturing him.
In 2021, Zaake, who stood as NUP candidate having discarded his Independent posture, cruised back to Parliament on the umbrella wave that swept through Buganda and saw other 55 NUP candidates win seats.
Having contested the results of the presidential poll, saying they were simply work of fraud, NUP MPs took up seats in Parliament, saying they were going to take resistance to the House.
Such a move would have fit the likes of Zaake very well, but Mpuuga, the new Leader of Opposition in Parliament, had different ideas. He said a belligerent approach to politics was to be dumped into the dustbin and focus on constructively engaging the NRM.
Mpuuga, who had got cosy with Speaker Jacob Oulanyah, launched what he termed as “Opposition legislative agenda”.
Implementing this agenda was going always to prove a tall order when you factor the sheer numerical strength NRM has; 336 MPs out of 529 seats in Parliament. Mpuuga was cognisant of the numerical strength of NRM and perhaps to soothe tensions, he called Oulanyah of NRM to launch the Opposition’s agenda.
Oulanyah, on his part, assured the Opposition of support, saying they have a duty to bridge the widening gap between legislators and the people.
“Let us keep an eye on the ball; the ball is not regime change, but the change in the lives of the people; regime and country are two different things. Let us work together as a Parliament and make a difference in the lives of Ugandans,” he said. Months down the road, Mpuuga’s plans seem to have boomeranged because he is yet to register a single legislative victory yet NRM has ganged to drop Zaake for annoying Among.
“That was nonsense from the very start,” Serunkuma says. “No one voted for NUP expecting them to pass laws. The nature of Parliament we have is not Parliament for brilliance, it’s not a Parliament for logic. It’s not a Parliament for science. We have vandals in Parliament, which were sent by Museveni. So, the electorate sent alternative vandals. Now the moment they reached Parliament, they started enjoying perks and forgot why they were sent there.”
In ousting Zaake, NRM MPs, without giving evidence have said some Opposition MPs voted for the move.
“I know NUP MPs who have voted for the censure,” Linos Ngompek, the Kibanda North MP, says.
Abdallah Kiwanuka, the Mukono North MP, denies that NUP MPs left Zaake in the cold. “We did everything we could within the law, but the other side wasn’t following the rules. We tried everything possible but we have no numbers. What did you expect us to do?”
During the campaigns, it was a common sight to see NUP cardres sporting red overalls, but that’s no longer the case as they have swapped them for suits.
“I’m a lawyer,” Kiwanuka says when asked if they have dropped confrontational politics. “There are certain things I can do and there are things I can’t.”
The recasting of NUP from a confrontational outfit to one that engages in serious policy, as Mpuuga had claimed, was bound to fail because it’s not part of its DNA.
“Just look at Bobi Wine’s speeches. He says we are removing a dictator,” Serunkuma says.” There is nothing serious in terms of policy but just sloganeering. That’s NUP.”
Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi, the Butambala County MP, describes suggestions that they abandoned Zaake as “stupidity.”
“Just tell whoever says that that they are stupid,” Muwanga-Kivumbi says.
Citing a myriad of technicalities, including lack of Coram, Zaake on Friday challenge his ouster at the Constitutional Court in Kampala, but Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, the Kira Municipality MP, believes appointing him commissioner was a nonstarter.
“In the future, we need to be very careful with people we send to the Parliamentary Commission. I like Zaake as an individual, but I don’t think he is the most suitable to be a commissioner.”
Background
The role of the Parliamentary Commission includes appointing, promoting and exercising disciplinary control over persons holding public office in Parliament, reviewing the terms and conditions of service, standing orders, training and qualifications of persons holding office in Parliament; providing security staff to maintain proper security for the members of Parliament and facilities within the precincts of Parliament, among other things.
