Casting off the Shadows: Uganda's journey to fair elections amidst history of violence

However, as Uganda continues its march toward democratic governance, the specter of electoral violence stubbornly refuses to fade into history, casting a dark cloud over its aspirations. Widespread violence and human rights abuses, including security force-related arrests, beatings of opposition supporters and journalists, and disruptions of opposition rallies, have sadly become synonymous with our electoral processes. This erodes public trust in the electoral process.

What is surprising is that even though it is security forces that are oftentimes at the spearhead of this violence, civic activists and election observers continue to "unfairly" judge the electoral commission and overlook a key player that has played a central role in Uganda's violent history since independence - Uganda's military and police. Whether out of fear, oversight, or naivety, this omission has allowed security agencies to continue their cruel acts unabated.

Uganda's electoral violence is, unsurprisingly, rooted in the nation's uncorrected history of the military's central role in governance processes. Even before independence, colonial authorities used violence to quell resistance from emerging nation-states such as Buganda, Bunyoro, Ankole, and others. Figures like Sir Samuel Baker, Emin Pasha, and Captain Fredrick Lugard enlisted Nubian mercenary soldiers to pave the way for the colonial venture in Uganda. These troops formed the nucleus of the Uganda Rifles, established in 1895, with the authority to suppress local opposition to colonial administration.

Since breaking free from British Colonial rule in 1962, Uganda has grappled with the dark side of democracy, perpetuating a legacy of violence against its people. The early years saw violence sparked by political rivalries and ethnic tensions during the 1962 elections. Subsequent decades witnessed a grim tableau: Idi Amin's brutal regime following a military coup, a disputed 1980 election with military intervention, and allegations of electoral malpractice during Yoweri Museveni's rule. Uganda's electoral history reads like a turbulent chronicle of political strife.

When Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) took power in January 1986, he promised not just a change in leadership but a profound transformation in governance. By 1988, the NRM regime commissioned a body to craft a new constitution. The 1995 Constitution pledged to uphold citizens' sovereignty through transparent, regular, free, and equitable elections. However, nearly 28 years since its inception, this consensus has eroded through multiple amendments. Both President Museveni and opposition figures express dismay over election irregularities. Electoral processes have increasingly been marred by violence, with security forces taking a prominent role at all levels.

At the heart of this challenge lies the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF), the successor to the NRA that seized power in 1986. UPDF officers and Uganda Police Force officers have become increasingly visible in the  election processes, both individually and officially.

For instance, in 2016, the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU-EOM) reported that security forces were perceived as biased and discriminatory by opposition parties and civil society organizations throughout the electoral cycle. They documented ongoing intimidation, harassment, arrests of supporters, and violence in over 20 districts. In 2021, security forces cracked down on opposition members and journalists, arresting numerous individuals, including presidential candidates Patrick Amuriat and Robert Kyagulanyi.

In some cases, the forces seems to have taken control of the electoral process from the Electoral Commission, deciding whether a presidential candidate can participate in a radio talk show or campaign in a specific area. Reports from the 2021 elections indicated security forces blocked opposition candidates from accessing designated venues, prompting the Electoral Commission to seek an explanation from the Inspector General of Police, which was never provided.

During by-elections in Kayunga, Soroti, and Serere, security agents instructed electoral commission officials to take specific actions under the threat of arrest. The apprehension of security forces has risen due to repeated violence against regime opponents.

This escalation of election-related violence has given rise to numerous militias and paramilitary groups aligned with politicians, political parties, and state security bodies. The Kalangala Action Plan, infamous for causing havoc during the 2001 elections in support of Mr Museveni and his allies, was the first of these groups. Since then, similar groups like the Kiboko Squad, Boda Boda 2010, and crime preventers have emerged. The mobilization of a new militia group known as the "MK army," supporting a UPDF officer and the son of President Museveni, is currently underway and could reshape the landscape ahead of the 2026 elections.

What's even more instructive is that when security forces refrain from interfering in legitimate political activity, violence is notably absent. A 2021 report by the Women Democracy Network and the Innovation for Democratic Action and Engagement revealed that violent episodes during political rallies occurred only when security forces attempted to disrupt these events. This has been exemplified in the ongoing Nationwide mobilization events by the National Unity Platform (NUP). Despite attracting thousands of Ugandans, there haven't been any reported violent clashes with security forces since the police have limited their role to providing security and refrained from disrupting these legitimate activities.

This history reveals that Uganda has been marked by the oppression and subjugation of its people since colonialism in the late 1870s. The colonial regime imposed control through colonial laws and a well-armed mercenary force. The colonial mercenary unit, the Uganda Rifles, suppressed opposition against colonial rule. After independence, this authoritarian legacy persisted in the form of a post-colonial state using security forces to subvert the electoral process and undermine the credibility of the entire electoral system.

The established norms and regulations promised by the 1995 constitution, rooted in the idea of a transformed political, economic, and social governance framework, have been betrayed.

Addressing this endemic issue requires a collective effort from multiple stakeholders. This history underscores that ensuring credible, open, and equitable elections in Uganda is intricately linked to the evolving role of security forces during political campaigns, on election days, and after electoral processes. It demands restraint from Uganda’s security forces in interfering with democratic contests.

Uganda’s military and security forces must step back, allowing citizens to exercise their rights without fear of violence. By strengthening institutions, promoting civic education, and removing the military from political contestations, Uganda can pave the way for free, fair, and violence-free elections.

Chris Nkwatsibwe is the Deputy Chief of Party for the Strengthening Citizens Engagement in Elections (SCENE) Activity and Team Leader, Policy Governance and Engagement at the Uganda National NGO Forum (UNNGOF)