About 8,000 non-governmental agencies (NGOs) and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in Uganda have closed since 2019 as the impact of the closure of a major donor financing programme becomes clearer.
Data from the National Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) Bureau, a department in the Ministry of Internal Affairs that regulates the sector, indicates that the number of registered NGOs operating in the country declined from 14,000 in 2019 to 5,021 by August 2023.
The closures stem from multiple factors, including entities that completed their missions and chose not to continue. However, many are believed to have fallen victim to strict policing and a government increasingly hostile to civil society over the past decade, as well as the shutdown of the Democratic Governance Facility, a key donor funding mechanism.
Mr Stephen Okello, the head of the NGO Bureau, confirmed the drop in numbers but noted that the correct number of acting entities was slightly higher, at 6,000. He attributed the drop in the number of NGOs to strict compliance requirements aimed, he said, at weeding out “briefcase NGOs”.
Mr Okello said: “The [NGO promoters] are trying to be compliant and that’s where the number falls. The problem is that a number of these [NGOs] go quietly and so that’s why we conducted that exercise in 2019 because so many had quietly closed, and we had to establish the exact number of organisations that were out there operating.”
However, the regulator conceded that most NGOs in Uganda depend on foreign donations and are vulnerable to disruptions in such funding mechanisms.
“Close to 98 percent of NGOs in this country are depending on foreign donations and that is a danger for the country as a whole,” he said.
“It affects their sustainability because they end up being weak. So, they need to start thinking of how to raise resources locally."
Role of NGOs
A 2021 blueprint study of 419 NGOs’ interventions in 66 districts across the country found that sampled entities had reached approximately 12.4 million people through service delivery and governance initiatives. Cumulatively, the report showed that indirect beneficiaries reached by the NGOs were 32 million.
In terms of contribution to the economy, NGOs mobilised from external and internal sources and injected into the economy more than Shs4.7 trillion in 2017, which was equivalent to approximately 18 percent of the 2016/2017 national budget.
The closures have had a ripple effect on various sectors. The hospitality industry, in particular, has suffered substantial losses. Ms Jean Byamugisha, the executive director of the Uganda Hotel Owners’ Association, told Daily Monitor that NGOs were significant clients for conferences, workshops, and events.
She said: “The reduced number of NGOs operating in Uganda has really impacted us greatly because, number one, they were our biggest clients in business in terms of hosting conferences and events and, you know, especially residential workshops out of town. But also, most importantly, conference business from NGOs was good for us because they paid on time.”
“Our biggest challenge with working with government and government conferences is that yes, much of government does eventually come around to clear [but] it takes up to sometimes, two, three or four years before they settle the bills,” she added.
Ms Byamugisha revealed that airlines are also negatively affected by the closure of NGOs and civil society organisations due to reduced travels. “The majority of the people who are affected are airlines because of the air tickets. So, the closure of the NGOs has really affected us because it has been our main constant source of income. And without that, then it’s very difficult for us to continue doing business.”
The closure of NGOs and civil society organisations has also led to job losses and affected related industries such as printing and publishing, advertising, motor vehicle sales and maintenance, among others.
Overall, industry watchers say, some of the important work civil society organisations were doing such as organising opinion polls, civic education, encouraging citizen agency and holding public institutions accountable are likely to remain undone.
“The economic toll is clear,” a veteran NGO official said, asking not to be named to speak freely.
“What is hard to measure is the absence of strong institutions not controlled by the government to speak out when the state abuses its power or abdicates its responsibilities. This is a very serious problem.”
War of attrition
In 2021, government closed 54 NGOs, which it accused of operating without valid licences. The affected were civil society organisations working in human rights, accountability and governance sectors.
Civil society leaders have described increased bureaucratic hurdles as a deliberate strategy to stifle dissent and transparency efforts.
Chapter Four Uganda, for example, faced accusations of failing to file annual returns, which it denied, attributing the action to its investigations into human rights abuses.
The regulatory crackdown coincided with break-ins at NGO offices and the detention of key figures.
On December 22, 2020, armed police abducted Chapter Four’s head Nicholas Opiyo alongside four colleagues Herbert Dakasi, Anthony Odur, Esomu Obure and Hamid Tenywa.
The authorities accused him of receiving $340,000 on behalf of Chapter Four from donors knowing the funds were “proceeds of crime”. Mr Opiyo was detained for a week before being released on bail.The charges were later dropped.
Earlier in the year, government had stopped civil society organisations from doing civic education ahead of the 2021 General Election. On Election Day security operatives arrested and detained 20 civil society officials for running a parallel vote tallying centre in a hotel in Kampala. They were later released without charge.
With another general election just over a year away, the CSO activists still in operation are worried about a repeat, and whether they will be able to do any meaningful work in a tightly controlled space with limited funding.
“With each electoral cycle, the need for our work becomes even more apparent,” the NGO veteran leader said, “yet our ability to work, let alone work effectively, becomes less and less viable.We are going backwards.”
Mr Okello from the NGO Bureau said the law forbids civil society organisations from engaging in partisan politics.
The NGO Act says organisations shall be non-partisan and shall not engage in fundraising or campaigning to support or oppose any political party or candidate for an appointive office or elective political office, nor may it propose or register a candidate for elective political office.
“It means that the organisations are supposed to ensure that they do not fall into that category of campaigning for politicians and political parties,” Mr Okello said.
“The law demands that you don’t fundraise for political parties, you don’t nominate and support a candidate for a political position, and you don’t actively campaign for any candidate irrespective of the political party.”
He said organisations are free to engage in political processes like civic education, sensitisation, and campaign monitoring, among others.
NGO officials say they do not engage in partisan politics but are targeted for doing the work in the areas that the NGO Bureau official says they are free to participate in.
DGF was the good deed that went punished
When the Democratic Governance Facility (DGF) was launched in Kampala in 2011, it aimed to resolve a persistent challenge faced by donor countries providing aid to Uganda: ensuring that their financial support fostered democracy without sparking direct confrontations with the government.
The dilemma was not new. The NRM had stabilised the country when it tookpower in 1986 and embarked on western-sponsored reforms that triggered economic growth.
However, for the first decade of its rule, the NRM governed as an unelected administration, and for the following decade, it functioned as a one-party state that suppressed political competition and dissent. Throughout, questions remained about its respect for the rule of law and human rights – including in its counter-insurgency military operations across the country.
In 2000, donors set up a Human Rights and Good Governance Liaison Office to better coordinate their approach. This morphed into the Deepening Democracy Programme, which included support to political parties. However, donor coordination remained inconsistent, especially when deciding on collective action such as withholding aid in response to major corruption scandals.
DGF represented an ambitious initiative in both scale and structure. It pooled resources from Denmark, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Austria, Sweden, the Netherlands, Norway and the European Union into a basket for funding, raising about €110 million. It also sought to work more closely with the government, including funding to several government agencies, ministries and media.
The strategy of pooling funds enabled donors to minimise duplication and better direct their efforts, but it also magnified risk. As the government’s grip on power was tested, whether by walk-to-work and other protests, or by electoral contestation, it became increasingly critical of and abrasive towards civil society organisations.
With most of them dependent on DGF for funding, the facility itself became an easy target.
On January 2, 2021, President Museveni wrote to Finance Minister Matia Kasaija ordering the suspension of DGF.
He accused the facility of financing “activities and organisations designed to subvert government under the guise of improving governance” and claimed that Ugandans were only “spectators in the management of their own affairs”.
Discussions to increase government involvement in the facility were unsuccessful, however, and DGF was shut down in 2023. At the time about 85 state agencies and NGOs were being funded by the facility.
Mr Jan Sadek, the EU ambassador to Uganda and chairperson of the DGF Board, described the exit as a loss of funding to the NGOs and noted that the move would put a strain on the democratic gains the country had achieved.
“While today is a moment to celebrate achievements, I am also aware that this is a sad moment for many of you who have been part of the DGF journey since it started in 2011. For manyof you, the DGF’s closure represents not just the loss of a funding partner but also the end of 12-year-long collective enterprise that aimed to give a voice to the voiceless, to bring citizens and state closer together and to cement a culture of democratic governance all across this beautiful country,” he said.
“While we regret that we can’t continue with the DGF arrangement, we of course remain committed to strengthening democratic governance in Uganda. As we can see in the news and on social media every day, the democratic model is under attack on many fronts all over the world. At this time, we all need to renew our commitment to protect the foundations of any successful democracy,” he added.
Funding to NGOs and civil society organisations has reverted to bilateral partnerships with different embassies and development assistance groups but as the data show, the vitality of this sector, which is important economically and politically, has been seriously undermined.
A. Halted the operations of the following NGOs operating with expired NGO permits.
1. Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO)
2. Western Ankole Civil Society Forum (WACSOF)
3. Citizens’ Concerns Africa
4. Elohim Power Transforming Africa
5. Orone Foundation
6. Light Concepts
7. Public Policy Institute
8. Otubet Youth United Development Organization
9. Support Girl Child Uganda
10. Saints Preparation Ministries
11. Adoration Ministries
12. Islamic Da-awah and Orphanage Foundation
13. Jesus Shines Youth Ministries International
14. La Borne Missionary Centre Uganda
15. Wanyange Child Support Foundation
16. St. Francis Foundation for the Poor
17. Ray of Hope International Uganda
18. Mindset Change Development Organisation
19. Liberty International Foundation
20. Foundation for Women Empowerment for Sickler Aid
21. Karambi Action for Life Improvement
22. Tech Plus Love Foundation
23. Centre for Justice Studies and Innovations
B. Indefinitely suspended the following NGOs that have consistently failed to file annual returns and audited books of accounts and have other non- compliance issues
1. Chapter Four Uganda 2016-2020
2. Citizens' Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU) 2019-
2020
3. Femrite Uganda Women Writers’ Association 2017- 2020
4. African Humanitarian Action 2017 - 2020
5. Safe Places Uganda Foundation (SPU) 2017- 2020
6. Citizens Platform for Democracy and Accountability 2017- 2020
7. Growth Networks Uganda 2017- 2020
8. Pallisa Civil Society Organisation Networks 2017- 2020
9. Citizens Election Watch-IT (CEW-IT) 2017, 2019, 2020
10. Youth Line Forum Uganda 2017- 2020
11. Arise Africa International 2018-2020
12. Dotwa Africa 2018-2020
13. Rwenzori Consortium for Civic Competence 2018-2020
14. Centre for Conflict Resolution 2019 - 2020
15. Youth Equality Centre 2019-2020
16. Leadership square Africa
C. Halted the activities of NGOs operating without registering with the NGO Bureau.
1. Great Lakes Institute for Strategic Studies (GLISS)
2. Rural Action Community Based Organization
3. Uganda Help Florida
4. Centre for Sustainability Innovation and Research
5. Environmental Governance Institute Uganda
6. Graffen Organization, Butimba Uganda
7. Kwataniza Women’s Organization
8. Twimukye Women’s Organization
9. Witness Radio Uganda
10. Youth for Green Communities
11. Self-worth Initiative
12. VZW Eight
13. Adepr Pentecostal International Church Uganda Ltd
14. Innovations for Democratic Engagement and Action (IDEA)
15. Network for Active Citizens
16. Leadership Square Africa
State agencies and NGOs funded by DGF
•Institute of Parliamentary Studies(|PS)
•Justice Centers for Uganda (JCU)
Kasese District Local Government (KDG)
Kitgum District Local Government (KiDG)
Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development (MoLHUD)
National Bureau for NGOs (NGO Bureau)
Nebbi District Local Government (NDLG)
. New Vision Printing and Publishing Company Limited (Vision Group)
•Parliament of Uganda (POU)
Public Interest Law Clinic, Makerere University (PILAC)
•Refugee Law Project, Makerere University (RLP)
School of Women and Gender Studies, Makerere University (SWGS)
•Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC)
. Uganda Law Council (ULC)
. Uganda Law Society (ULS)
Non-state partners
•ActionAid International Uganda (AAIU)
Advocates Coalition for Development and Environment (ACODE)
•African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME)
•Africa Freedom for Information Centre (AFIC)
African Centre for Energy and Mineral Policy (ACEMP)
•African Centre for Trade and Development (ACTADE)
African Centre for Treatment and Rehabilitation for Torture
Victims (ACTV)
•African Leadership Institute (AFLI)
•African Youth Initiative Network (AYINET)
Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA)
Alliance for Finance Monitoring (ACFIM)
Amuria District Development Agency (ADDA)
National Education Insight World
•Anticorruption Coalition Uganda (ACCU)
-Centre for Governance and Economic Development (CEGED)
-Centre for Basic Research (CBR)
-Centre for Women in Governance (CEWIGO)
-Civil Society Budget Advocacy Group (CSBAG)
•Community Driven Network Uganda (CODNET)
-Community Integrated Development Initiative (CIDI)
•Ecological Christian Organisation (ECO)
•Food Rights Alliance (FRA)
-Global Rights Alert (GRA)
-Gulu Women Economic Development and Globalisation (GWE
-Human Rights Network for Journalists-Uganda (HRNJ-U)
-Initiative for Social and Economic Rights (ISER)
International Centre for Transitional Justice (|CTJ)
•Justice Defenders (JD)
•Kabarole Research and ResOurce Centre (KRC)