Briefing notes for UPDF officers before deployment in DR Congo

 The UPDF deployment will be promoted as ‘units providing security’ for the Uganda-funded road building teams. But it is a given that they are likely to be involved in a real war. However, even if UPDF were only to provide security for the road builders, even the road building activities may not be very welcome for other regional state and non-state actors. So, for the gods, the government of Uganda (and the UPDF leadership) will be required to back troop actions and activities (and those of the road builders) with adequate diplomatic cover.

 The UPDF may find themselves confronted with situations of war. However, the most expected warfare is counter-insurgency. Worse than that, UPDF may face insurgents with no nationalist motivation or drive; I mean, armed people who just kill to attract international media attention (and the consequent favour of their patrons in the Middle East).

 There will also be bandoki (Lingala: witches) who don’t wish Uganda and UPDF well. They may do anything to discredit Uganda’s well-meaning mission. Among the bandoki, are non-state actors and state actors. State actors may whip emotions in Kinshasa to denounce the UPDF mission and at the same time patronise non-state actors to destabilise the UPDF mission. 

That’s why the talksome Peter Elwelu should stay away from this mission; he could inflame or ‘disbalance’ the diplomacy component of the mission.

 The kind of insurgents UPDF troops might find in the DRC lack ideological anchor but they have passion. They are Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), who (even in spite of themselves) retains a semblance of a forward-leaning nationalist movement.

 Although the new insurgents in DRC are an ADF splinter group, they are ideologically patronised, resourced and inspired by ISIS. 
It is now a multinational outfit with members from all over the world enjoying the patronage of ISIS’s international jihad ideology, inspiration and resources.

 In an audio recording attributed to Jamil Mukulu (ADF’s supreme leader), he resisted association with international jihadist groups. ‘Amajye gange temugawa Abawalabu’  (don’t hand over my army to the Arabs), he says (or a voice attributed to him) in the audio.  Mukulu is now remanded in Luzira Maximum Security Prison in Kampala.

 Some notes on the DRC. It has changed her name more times than any African country; and with these name changes, came changes of national symbols. For example, the national flag under President Laurent Desire Kabila was different from the one President Joseph Kabange Kabila handed to the Felix Antoine Tshilombo Tshisekedi.

 Under Laurent Kabila, Kiswahili was adopted as a national language and an instrument of instruction in the military (alongside Lingala). But this has not taken root because of the national divide between the Bangala (west and north) and Baswahili (east and south). Lingala has remained prominent in the military.  And yes, there is the proverbial north-south political divide. 

 President Joseph Desire Mobutu was from the Ngbuande community in the north (part of what is classified by social anthropologists as the Congo-Niger linguistical cluster). In Uganda, Lugbara is part of this Congo-Niger thing.

 Since Mobutu’s departure, the country has had three presidents (the two Kabilas and Tshisekedi Tshilombo); all of whom Baluba from the South. However, none of the three presidents have deeper political roots in Katanga Province (the epicentre of Baluba ethno-nationalist sentiments with secessionist tendencies).

Mr Bisiika is the executive editor of the East African Flagpost. [email protected]